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PUBHLTH 405
Social Epidemiology of Infectious Disease
University of Michigan School of Public Health
Jon Zelner
[email protected]
epibayes.io
As “new” immigrants arrive in the United States (a demographic shift that is not unique to this country), we must ask new questions, questions not asked a century ago, to understand the historical connections between class and racial formation, biopolitical contests regarding citizenship rights (the pitiable sick versus the incorrigibly unhygienic), and the concrete (geographic, economic, historical) processes of statecraft, surveillance, and bureaucratic expansion that public health automatically implies. This is not insignificant, for clues to future solutions may be found in past failures.” (Roberts 2009)
Brief reflection on Infectious Fear
Some basics of TB epidemiology
Digging into Chapters 1 & 2 of Infectious Fear
Next Time
What was your biggest takeaway from these initial chapters?
What surprised 😲 you most?
What were you confused 😵💫 by and would like to discuss/clarify?
05:00
Primary Infection: On first infection, individuals are more likely to have rapid onset of severe disease and are at higher immediate risk of death.
Secondary Infection: On subsequent exposures, individuals are less likely to develop disease quickly and those that do may have longer-term, chronic infections.
Why is this distinction important in the first two chapters of Infectious Fear?
Active TB
Latent TB
What do these different measures tell us about burden in the population?
Break into small groups to work through the questions in this document. (~10m)
Rotate 1 or 2 times with first group members acting as experts/facilitators (~5m each)
Back to big group to review additional questions.
How individuals, institutions, black and white leaders, and public officials mediated the demands and politics of tuberculosis-is the subject of this book… Infectious Fear argues that integral to the project of modern urban public health were theoretical and practical compromises that moved the politics of black health from absolute neglect to qualified inclusion based on specific notions of care, expertise, public utility, citizenship, social control, and responsibility. (Roberts 2009)
This book is primarily concerned with two overlapping and mutually informative periods in U.S. urban history: the era of infectious fear all but vanquished by the discovery of antimicrobial therapies, and a period, before the Second World War, when health policy and social policy were, comparatively speaking, overwhelmingly dominated by politics derived from local rather than federal mandates. (Roberts 2009, 20)
No naive nostalgia for the germ is presumed in imagining, for example, that many of the health problems of post-war inner cities, many of which are not infectious but are nonetheless tied to geography, might have appeared more urgent—as public health problems as opposed to simply social or moral problems—had there still existed a disease that plainly…illustrated the geographical links among class, geography, and health. (Roberts 2009, 40)
“By 1895, most trained physicians accepted Koch’s findings, but they reached consensus only on the necessity of the bacillus in the development of tuberculosis. Opinion fell across a broad spectrum whose poles might be considered as having the emerging principles of bacteriology and infection on one end (the seed, metaphorically speaking) and speculations of the body (the soil) on the other.” (Roberts 2009)
“A theoretical compromise between racial determinism and strict environmentalism condensed around the idea of tuberculization- the view, emerging around 1908-10, of physical resistance as having developed through interaction with the disease environment and then passing on genetically to progeny. Tuberculization theory challenged racial essentialism and even natural selection, but without better research, the differences between it and moderate eugenic theory were largely speculative, inferential, and not always clear.” (Roberts 2009)
When new tools and technologies are available for prevention and treatment, they are first available to the most-privileged.
This introduces or increases inequity in outcomes at first.
Over time, the tool becomes available to more people and inequity decreases.
Over time, the innovation saturates the population and inequality stabilizes or disappears.
What interventions or policies might explain this pattern?